Sunday 13 October 2013

Nelson Mandela's Long Walk To Freedom



Nelson Mandela is arguably the most inspirational leader of our time encompassing a moral philosophy of inequality that saw him win the hearts of not just the people of South Africa but also the world receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993. But it is not just his political accomplishments in talking with the enemy since his release from 27 years imprisonment under an apartheid system that make him the revered martyr that he is today. 'The struggle is my life' he reiterated. From the rolling hills of the Transkei valley of his youth where he experienced a mixture of wealth and poverty to growing hungry in Johannesburg working as a law attorney before being inspired to become a freedom fighter and begin his long walk to freedom. His life was a rollercoaster of ups and downs taking unexpected turns at the worst of times but even though his life was a bumpy ride, his mindset remained steady, his eyes fixed on the prospect of freedom, always looking forward. His experiences were the forces that shaped and moulded him into the leader that he is. In the following review of his autobiography, I will explore the different aspects of his psyche that made him the father of a nation free from oppression and apartheid.


   His leadership styles always respected the collective. He never wanted to seem like he was dictating any decision no matter how small for he was adamant in establishing a society governed by a democracy of equality and never wanted to reflect the ideals of the enemy who had suppressed him all his life: “For to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others” (Mandela, p 751). Mandela refers to prison as a crucible that tests a man's character: “Some men, under the pressure of incarceration, showed true mettle, while others revealed themselves as less than what they had appearded to be” (Mandela p 539). He goes on to mention the dramas they were allowed perform in the later years at Robben Island. One such drama became ingrained in his memory as a symbol of South Africa's struggle. Mandela plays the role of a King Creon who appears to be sincere and patriotic suggesting that experience is the foundation of leadership and that obligations to the people take precedence over loyalty to an individual but he deals mercilessly with his enemies who rebelled against the city declaring that the main character Antigone's brother does not deserve a proper burial (Mandela p 541). This is symbollic of the laws of oppression that were weighed on Africans more heavily after defiance campaigns and protest demonstrations including gatherings and stay at homes.

   Mandela states that a leader must temper justice with mercy. Even though he plays the role of the King in the play, I feel as though he is a real life version of Antigone: “It was Antigone who symbolized our struggle; she was, in her own way, a freedom fighter, for she defied the law on the ground that it was unjust” (Mandela p 541). Mandela was courageous in the face of oppression never letting the prison authorities dampen his spirit by harassing his wife or cutting off most prison privileges even though he was a political prisoner. He took the moral high ground disarming the prejudiced warders with words and threats of legal action. The plays were a reflection of the difficulties he faced: “What I took out of them was that character was measured by facing up to difficult situations and that a hero was a man who would not break down even under the most trying circumstances” (Mandela p 540). Nelson Mandela certainly is one of those heroes.


   He took solace in the company of his comrades and considered them all his equals striving never to undermine them when speaking for any of his groups whether it was the African National Congress, Umkhonto we Sizwe, or the State of South Africa. In developing his leadership styles he took inspiration from such works as Tolstoy’s War and Peace: “Kutuzov defeated Napoleon precisely because he was not swayed by the ephemeral and superficial values of the court, and made his decisions on a visceral understanding of his men and his people. It reminded me once again that truly to lead one’s people one must also truly know them” (Mandela p 585). He demonstrated this after his release by voluntarily living in the poor district of Soweto which was known for having dire conditions and no running water. He could have well afforded a more comfortable lodging.

   Mandela has a wealth of experience in the management of individuals and groups. That is one of the vital ingredients that led to his inauguration as President of South Africa. After his father lost his place in office Mandela was adopted to a family of Thembu tradition in order to be educated as an advisor to the King of the region. He was groomed from his early years to be involved in decision making matters becoming a prefect in college as well as being a member of the student representative council. He did not want to be confined to ways of Thembu tradition and ran away to Johannesburg to practise as an attorney and soon established the first black law firm in South Africa: “I had to make my way on the basis of my ability, not my heritage” (Mandela p 39). This is an integral part of his belief that everyone should be awarded on the basis of ability after receiving free education in a system of equality.

   Before he even got involved with the ANC or was in any way fighting for freedom, he was already well established in dealing with individuals and groups through his law firm and other previous intellectual exploits. He resigned from the student representative committee on the basis that their demands were not met such as improvements to the diet. The principle presented him with a dilemma where he would either return to the committee or be expelled. He stood his ground. This was evidence from a young age that Mandela was not going to bow down to a dictatorship of any kind: “Something inside me would not let me. While I appreciated Dr Kerr’s position and his willingness to give me another chance, I resented his absolute power over my fate” (Mandela p 62)

   Mandela was a great manager of groups in organising defiance campaigns and raising awareness of the rights the ANC was fighting for. But he like any other leader was faced with internal conflicts. One such conflict happened in jail with one of his comrades Tefu. It was just a small incident but a great example of Mandela’s problem solving skills and absolute humility and humanitarian attributes that recognise him as a true leader of the people. He had established dealings with a sympathetic warder who supplied them with sandwiches and tobacco but the warder was adamant he would only deal with Mandela. Tefu became rash, suspicious that his portion of tobacco was not equal and demanded the warder to give him his tobacco directly. Mandela swiftly shooed Tefu and persuaded the warder to relax. Mandela punished Tefu for almost compromising their supplies by not allowing him tobacco or sandwiches that night. Tefu woke Mandela later pleading that he had suffered for his commitment to the people and now Mandela as his leader in jail was punishing him like this. Mandela felt he had abused his power to a fellow comrade and immediately gave Tefu his sandwich and half the tobacco: “Tefu was always difficult, but from that point on he behaved much better” (Mandela p 412).

   As a politician working with stakeholders can prove a difficult task within your own organisation as well as that of the opposition. Mandela was regularly engaged in long debates with his colleagues about ANC policies and about the pros and cons of certain decisions. But he had enormous respect for his colleagues and they would nearly always come to an agreement of some sort. He would never pursue a proposal if he did not get the approval of the group. Sometimes this hindered opportunities to begin talks of peace and freedom with the government but eventually Mandela was put in what he referred to as a splendid isolation. He knew the ANC was a collective but the government had made collectivity impossible. Mandela felt it was time to sit down with the enemy but knew his colleagues in jail would condemn his proposal, killing his initiative: “There are times when a leader must move out ahead of the flock, go off in a new direction, confident that he is leading his people the right way ..... my isolation furnished my organisation with an excuse in case matters went awry: the old man was alone and completely cut off, and his actions were taken by him as an individual, not a representative of the ANC” (Mandela p 627).

   Once he had commenced talks with the National Party, they expressed concerns repeatedly about the ANC’s affiliation with the Communist Party maintaining that the ANC was dominated by communists. Mandela always stood his ground and was resolute in all his responses to attacks by the National Party explaining that the ANC and Communist Party were separate organisations who shared short-term objectives like the overthrow of racial oppression and the birth of a non-racial South Africa, but that their long-term interests were not the same. His responses seemed to be falling on deaf ears and he exclaimed in exasperation: “There are four of you and only one of me, and you cannot control me or get me to change my mind. What makes you think the communists can succeed where you have failed?” (Mandela p 642). The National Party expressed concerns as to how the ANC could protect the rights of the white minority in a majority rule. Mandela stated that no organisation in the history of South Africa compares to the ANC in terms of trying to unite all the people and races of South Africa, referring them to the preamble of the Freedom Charter: “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white. I told them that whites were Africans as well, and that in any future dispensation the majority would need the minority” (Mandela p 643).


   Mandela derived motivation from the prospect that one day he would be free. He reminded himself that he was more a representative of the people than his own man. The priorities of the individual had to be set aside. He did not regard himself as superior to any South African but he knew that he was regarded as a symbol of justice and freedom to his people. He delighted them by such actions as that of the Rivonia trial: “I had chosen traditional dress to emphasize the symbolism that I was a black African walking into a white man’s court. I was literally carrying on my back the history, culture and heritage of my people” (Mandela p 385). He took great pride in his role that day and it motivated him to endure the forces of oppression as he continued his battle against those forces: “I felt myself to be the embodiment of African nationalism, the inheritor of Africa’s difficult but noble past and her uncertain future” (Mandela p 385).

   It was the simple things of everyday life that he missed as well as his family. It was his yearning of these things that made him strive all the more for his freedom. He said in a letter to his wife: “I’ve been away from you for so long that the very first thing I would like to do on my return would be to take you away from that suffocating atmosphere, drive you along carefully, so that you could have the opportunity of breathing fresh and clean air, seeing the beauty spots of South Africa, its green grass and trees, colourful wild flowers, sparkling streams, animals grazing in the veld and be able to talk to the simple people we meet along the road” (Mandela p 592). He is sad that his political career has dictated his life leading him away from his family. He saw his prison garden as a metaphor for certain aspects of his life. He wrote to his wife Winnie about a beautiful tomato plant that he coaxed to a robust plant producing deep red fruits but it began to wither and decline and there was nothing he could do to bring it back to health: “I did not want our relationship to go the way of that plant, and yet I felt that I had been unable to nourish many of the most important relationships in my life. Sometimes there is nothing one can do to save something that must die” (Mandela p 582).

   Throughout his years in prison his wife Winnie had been a constant moral support, lover, and comrade. She supported him wholeheartedly in his struggle and understood the implications it had on their relationship. In 1992 after his release from prison Mandela announced his separation from his wife due to dictated circumstances stating that they came to a mutual agreement that it would be best for the ANC and them personally to part: “Comrade Nomzamo and myself contracted our marriage at a critical time in the struggle for liberation in our country. Owing to the pressures of our shared commitment to the ANC and the struggle to end apartheid, we were unable to enjoy a normal family life ..... My love for her remains undiminished” (Mandela p 718-719).

   Mandela was proficient in his capability of using his position as a political prisoner and martyr of the people to negotiate terms with the government. The government offered him freedom if he ‘unconditionally rejected violence as a political instrument’. The offer had been presented by the state president himself who stated: “It is therefore not the South African government which now stands in the way of Mr Mandela’s freedom. It is he himself” (Mandela p 620-621). It was a ploy by the government to decrease international awareness of the situation in South Africa but Mandela knew it was not real freedom being offered and wrote a response that was read publicly by his daughter Zindzi. She concluded his response with: “Only free men can negotiate. Prisoners cannot enter into contracts... I cannot and will not give any undertaking at a time when I and you, the people, are not free. Your freedom and mine cannot be separated. I will return” (Mandela p 623). Well able to respond to the government’s devious tactics he succeeded in bringing the negotiations to a new level scheduling the first face-to-face meeting between the ANC and the government in March 1990. However there was on-going violence especially in Natal where 230 people lost their lives: “In Natal, Zulu was murdering Zulu, for Inkatha members and ANC partisans are Zulus” (Mandela p 689). It was strongly believed that the police were inciting violence by providing weapons to the Inkatha to undermine progress by the ANC. The government claimed to know nothing about it but Mandela responded to great affect: “I announced the suspension of our talks and warned Mr de Klerk that he could not ‘talk about negotiations on the one hand and murder our people on the other’” (Mandela p 691).

   His expert communication skills allowed him to mount enormous pressure of all sorts on the National party forcing progress in negotiations. He exploited the media as an efficient communication tool to portray the difficulties of the struggle. He made and maintained contact with political leaders all over the world and even did a tour visiting many Countries including Ireland. On his trip he met with leaders such as Margaret Thatcher and George W. Bush. These powerful people now had their sights on South Africa. It was only a matter of time before Mandela achieved the freedom he sought for all his life. No political party wants to be seen in a negative light on the international stage. There would be some consolation for the National party to be seen as the party that dismantled the apartheid system. And they were recognized for this with Mr de Klerk receiving the Noble Peace prize with Mandela in 1993.


   Mandela was always able to keep in contact with the ANC and all the stakeholders concerned with South Africa’s welfare. In prison he devised ways of getting messages out to the ANC who would deliver them to the media. In his speeches he always reminded people that he was not a messiah, but an ordinary man who had become a leader because of extraordinary circumstances. In his speech after his release from prison after nearly three decades he stood before his people in servitude and said: “Friends, comrades and fellow South Africans. I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy and freedom for all! I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life in your hands” (Mandela p 676)

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